Gods, Geopolitics, and Other Dangerous Fictions

Why an Ancient Elephant-Headed Scribe Understands Power Better Than Modern Commentators Do

Let’s be honest: when most people hear “Ved Vyas and Lord Ganesha,” they think of a nice religious story about devotion and divine cooperation. Meanwhile, in the real world, diplomats and strategists are busy “inventing” concepts like “asymmetric partnerships” and “conditional cooperation” as if they’ve discovered fire. The irony is delicious: ancient mythology had already cracked the code of power politics while modern statecraft is still trying to figure out why its alliances keep falling apart.

Here’s the uncomfortable truth: that “divine harmony” between the sage and the elephant-headed god wasn’t harmony at all. It was a ruthlessly negotiated contract between two parties who knew exactly what they wanted and weren’t about to trust each other any further than they could throw an elephant. Sound familiar? It should.

The Myth That’s Actually a Manual

Let’s strip away the incense and devotional music. Ved Vyas needed someone to write down his epic. Ganesha agreed, but only if Vyas never stopped dictating. Vyas countered: Ganesha had to understand every verse before writing it down. This wasn’t a heartwarming tale of cooperation. This was two powerful entities creating mutually assured constraints because neither trusted the other to play nice.

The real kicker? Vyas would occasionally dictate impossibly complex verses, forcing Ganesha to pause and think. This gave Vyas time to compose the next section. In modern terms, that’s called “weaponized complexity,” and it’s exactly what the US does with export controls on semiconductors. The only difference is that Ganesha was wise enough to see it coming and broke off his own tusk to keep writing. Try getting modern allies to make that kind of sacrifice without a UN resolution and three committees.

As political theorist John Mearsheimer dryly notes, “Great powers are always looking for opportunities to gain power over their rivals.” Imagine that. Meanwhile, we’re supposed to believe that international partnerships are based on shared values and mutual trust. The myth knew better: conditions aren’t signs of distrust; they’re the only thing preventing betrayal.

Modern Alliances: Same Game, New Costumes

Fast forward to 2026, and watch the US and India negotiate technology transfers with all the subtlety of two peacocks fighting over a mirror. The US wants India to “comprehend” Western security protocols before getting advanced technology. India wants uninterrupted access to that technology while maintaining “strategic autonomy.” This is literally the Vyasa-Ganesha pact with better PR and more press conferences.

The beautiful irony? We call it “strategic partnership” when what we really mean is “mutually beneficial exploitation.” As strategist C. Raja Mohan puts it, “India’s strategic autonomy is not non-alignment; it is multi-alignment.” Translation: India will work with you, but on its own terms, thanks very much. Ganesha would approve.

Consider the US-Japan security arrangement. Japan’s constitution prevents it from having offensive military capabilities. The US gets a stable, non-threatening ally with prime real estate in the Pacific. Everyone wins, except apparently Japan’s critics who wonder why they’re still relying on American protection seventy years later. But here’s the twist: Japan’s constraint (no offensive military) is exactly what makes the alliance work for America. It’s not a bug; it’s the feature.

In the corporate world, Apple demands that app developers submit to strict review processes before appearing on the App Store. Developers complain about the 30% commission and the arbitrary rules. But they keep coming back because Apple’s “tyranny” creates a trusted ecosystem that makes them money. It’s the Vyasa-Ganesha deal: submit to my conditions, and I’ll give you access to my epic. The only difference is that Ganesha didn’t have to pay Apple’s developer fee.

The Stress Test: When the Scribe Gets Ideas

Now for the uncomfortable questions that nobody at diplomatic cocktail parties wants to answer. If Vyasa owns the intellectual property and Ganesha is just the scribe, isn’t this just exploitation with better branding? When Ganesha broke his tusk to keep writing, was that noble devotion or was he just trapped by his own condition?

The US discovers that transferring technology to partners creates future competitors. Japan in the 1980s learned American manufacturing techniques and then beat America at its own game. China joined the WTO, absorbed Western technology and capital, and is now challenging American hegemony. The “comprehension” condition that seemed so clever now looks like training your replacement. As Graham Allison warns, “the defining question of our time is whether the US and China can escape the Thucydides Trap.” Maybe the better question is whether the Visionary can accept that the Scribe will eventually want to write their own epic.

Then there’s the matter of who actually breaks the tusk. In geopolitics, it’s never the hegemon bleeding on the battlefield or suffering economic sanctions. It’s Ukraine fighting a proxy war. It’s Europe absorbing the shock of losing cheap Russian energy. It’s developing nations dealing with inflation while the US prints money. Ganesha broke his own tusk voluntarily, but in the real world, the tusks are broken by those with the least power to refuse.

As Ian Bremmer sardonically observes, in a “G-Zero world where no one is in charge,” these conditional alliances are about as stable as a house of cards in a hurricane. Yet we keep pretending that “shared democratic values” or “rules-based order” are enough to hold partnerships together. The myth knew better: only mutually reinforcing constraints survive contact with reality.

The Resolution Nobody Wants to Hear

Here’s where it gets really ironic. All these “problems” with the framework aren’t bugs; they’re features. The exploitation is temporary because the Scribe’s whole goal is to become the Visionary. The technology transfer that creates competitors is the price of maintaining current relevance. The broken tusk is the cost of participating in an epic that protects your existence, even if it’s not your epic.

When the US uses export controls to slow China’s technological advancement, it’s not trying to stop China permanently. That’s impossible. It’s trying to force China to spend trillions reinventing the wheel while America moves on to quantum computing and AI. It’s the “complex verse” strategy: make them pause to comprehend while you compose the next section. As George Kennan wrote about containment, it’s about “patient but firm and vigilant” competition. The myth called it “dictating complex verses” three thousand years earlier.

The real resolution is that the framework doesn’t eliminate friction; it harnesses it. India’s refusal to fully align with US strategic objectives isn’t a failure of the partnership; it’s the condition that makes India valuable in the first place. A fully aligned India would be a satellite, not a partner. The friction is the point. As Kishore Mahbubani notes, “The West needs to learn to live in a multipolar world,” which means accepting that your partners will have their own agendas. Ganesha had his own condition, remember.

The Final Irony

The ultimate joke is on us moderns who think we’ve invented sophisticated strategic thinking. We write think pieces about “asymmetric warfare” and “conditional cooperation” and “mutually reinforcing alliances” as if these are new discoveries. Meanwhile, an ancient myth about a sage and an elephant-headed god already mapped out the entire framework, complete with the paradoxes and the costs and the inevitable betrayals.

The myth isn’t a beautiful story about divine harmony. It’s a brutally realistic manual about how power actually works. Vyasa didn’t trust Ganesha to write without understanding. Ganesha didn’t trust Vyasa to dictate without pausing. So they created conditions that forced both of them to deliver. That’s not harmony; that’s structural realism with better storytelling.

As Henry Kissinger observed, “every century has thought it understood the nature of the world order, only to find that the next century demands a completely new conception.” But maybe the conception isn’t new. Maybe we just forgot what the ancients knew: that sustainable power isn’t about trust or values or shared dreams. It’s about engineering constraints so clever that your partner’s self-interest becomes your security.

The broken tusk isn’t a symbol of noble sacrifice. It’s a reminder that in any partnership, someone pays the physical cost while someone else writes the narrative. Ganesha broke his tusk, but Vyas got to tell the story. Some things never change, no matter how many diplomatic summits we hold or how many strategic partnerships we announce.

In the end, the Vyasa-Ganesha framework survives not because it’s morally beautiful, but because it’s ruthlessly effective. It doesn’t pretend that power is nice. It just explains how to wield it without destroying yourself in the process. That’s a lesson that would save us a lot of trouble if we’d just admit that a three-thousand-year-old myth understands geopolitics better than we do.

References

Acharya, A. (2018). The End of American World Order. Polity Press.

Allison, G. (2017). Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides’s Trap? Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.

Brands, H. (2021). The Power of the Past: Grand Strategy and the Burden of History. Johns Hopkins University Press.

Brzezinski, Z. (1997). The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives. Basic Books.

Bremmer, I. (2012). Every Nation for Itself: Winners and Losers in a G-Zero World. Portfolio.

Doniger, W. (2009). The Hindus: An Alternative History. Penguin Press.

Fukuyama, F. (1992). The End of History and the Last Man. Free Press.

Huntington, S. P. (1996). The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. Simon & Schuster.

Kennan, G. F. (1947). “The Sources of Soviet Conduct.” Foreign Affairs.

Kissinger, H. (2014). World Order. Penguin Press.

Kautilya. (c. 2nd Century BCE). Arthashastra (L.N. Rangarajan, Trans.). Penguin Classics.

Mahbubani, K. (2020). Has China Won? PublicAffairs.

Mearsheimer, J. J. (2001). The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. W.W. Norton & Company.

Menon, S. (2016). Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy. Brookings Institution Press.

Mohan, C. R. (2021). India’s External Relations. Oxford University Press.

Nye, J. S. (2004). Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. PublicAffairs.

Keohane, R. O. (1984). After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy. Princeton University Press.

Sen, A. (2006). Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny. W.W. Norton & Company.

Sun Tzu. (c. 5th Century BCE). The Art of War (Ralph D. Sawyer, Trans.). Basic Books.

Thucydides. (c. 411 BCE). History of the Peloponnesian War (Richard Crawley, Trans.). Longmans, Green, and Co.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The U.S. Security Umbrella: A Golden Parachute for Allies

The Sassoon Empire: Opium, Ambition, and the Mask of Morality

The Opium Magnates of Bombay: Wealth, British Collusion, and Moral Hypocrisy